The idea of Indonesia joining BRICS came up more than a decade ago. Since 2011, analysts have proposed Indonesia as one of the candidates to join BRICS. Since 2011, Indonesia has participated in some BRICS meetings, and in the past two years, the issue of Indonesia's formal accession to BRICS has been revived and raised with the support of actors such as China. With the possibility of Indonesia joining BRICS increasing again in July 2023, Indonesia accepted the invitation to participate in the 2023 BRICS Summit. The President of this country. Joko Widodo, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and other Indonesian officials went to Johannesburg to participate in this summit. But, Indonesia did not show a serious desire to join BRICS. The question of this article is: Why Indonesia has no desire to join BRICS, despite its extensive economic, political and institutional capacities? The hypothesis is that Indonesia intends to become the fifth best economy in the world based on the 2045 plan. In order to achieve this goal, it should be in the framework of multilateralism and accept the principles and norms of the international system. To investigate this issue, which is done with the qualitative research method, first, the relationship between BRICS, Global South and Indonesia and the capacities that exist in BRICS for Indonesia will be discussed, and then the reasons for Indonesia not joining BRICS will be investigated.

Chinas an emerging power in the transitional period of post-cold war era, through improving its political and economic power, as well as by taking benefit of the existing various institutions particularly BRICS as an intercontinental political-economic coalition, has tried to develop its share of global power and to orient the global structure towards a multilateral, fair, just and balanced system. China as one of the most important and influential members of BRICS, has, due to its economic growth and political influence, a more favorable position in comparison with other members of this institution.In this regard, a question arises: why and how China has a strategic vision towards the BRICS? And the hypothesis is that in the framework of neo-liberal institutionalism theory, China is trying to act as a pivotal power in the transitional international system in order to establish a "balanced polycentric system" by reinforcing the economic and political cooperation through different multiregional institutions particularly BRICS.

The global economy is undergoing a paradigm shift, from a Western-dominated economic model to one that is more complex and multi-polar. The centres of consumption, production, and innovation are no longer concentrated solely in the Western economies, but are shifting to new emergence economies in different continents, specifically China, Russia, Brazil, and India, as well as South Africa, named BRICS. One of the central issues for the future of this new coalition is energy security. This concept is a top priority of policymakers not only in the West hemisphere, but also in countries of the economically emerging world in current and also coming decades. Worldwide demand for primary energy will increase in next years either and based on international forecasts, hydrocarbon will still be the dominant source of energy. Consequently, widespread energy relationships with other oil and gas-rich countries outside BRICS like OPEC, in general, and Iran, in particular, seems much more significant. The latter, as the second country throughout the world in terms of combined fossil reserves, benefits an outstanding geo-economic position. Obviously, Iran would be able to play a prominent role in this respect. So, this question could be raised that what are the main challenges, as well as opportunities for Iran and BRICS in any actual and potential interactions in energy field.

BRICS is an alliance of five developing countries, Brazil, Russia, China, India and South Africa, which have reached the level of advanced countries in the international system. Considering their economic growth and economic power, these countries do not consider their share of the Bretton Woods institutions of the international economy to be appropriate for their economy, therefore they seek to reform the existing institutions of the international political economy. This article is descriptive and analytical using From the latest reliable international data, it has answered the question that how does the group want to change the order of the international political economy according to its expectations and expectations?The findings show that the BRICS group has had a great impact on international developments. During the transition from the hegemony of the United States to the multilateralist system in the international system, from 2008 until now, it has been able to change the structure and agenda of the major institutions representing the international order by putting the economy as the basis for change. Institution building parallel to the international order; increase its structural power and while strengthening its presence and influence in these institutions, increase multilateralism in some issues and move in the direction of creating its desired order.

With regard to the foreign policy of looking to the East, competing with the West and communicating with third world and developing countries, Iran is always interested in participating and being a member of regional and extra-regional organizations that the political system is not pessimistic about and that do not conflict with the principles of the Islamic Revolution. An opportunity is welcome. Using the theories of realism about the role, position and purpose of establishing international institutions and organizations, the present essay analyzes the structure, nature and position of the BRICS extra-regional group and analyzes Iran's membership in the BRICS group. The question of the current research is, what effects and consequences will Iran's membership in the BRICS group have for this country? According to the realist point of view, it is evident that BRICS is a balancing tool for China against American hegemony, but the Islamic Republic of Iran, by being a member of BRICS and accompanying the hegemony of China (and Russia) as a desirable partner against the dominant hegemony (America) while accompanying China in confronting the threat of American hegemony and the creation of a multipolar system, there are other benefits such as the development of relations with the South from East Asia to Africa and South America, the development of trade and regional exchanges (South), the development of civil and economic infrastructures, attracting foreign capital, energy exchanges and oil sales, lifting and neutralizing sanctions, and finally turning Abran into an international highway will benefit.

Introduction: The concept of BRICS was initially introduced in 2001, and the group was formally established in 2009 by five emerging economies: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. Since then, its membership has expanded to include additional countries. BRICS is a coalition of emerging powers seeking to increase their influence in global political and economic decision-making. Unlike traditional international organizations, BRICS does not operate under a founding charter or a formalized institutional bureaucracy.At the 15th BRICS Summit held in Johannesburg in August 2023, six countries—Iran, Argentina, Ethiopia, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt—were invited to join the group. Iran and Egypt officially became members in January 2024, with their first participation as full members taking place during the Kazan Summit in November 2023.Although BRICS pursues collective goals, each member’s accession reflects its distinct national interests and strategic calculations. This article conducts a comparative analysis of Iran and Egypt’s objectives in joining BRICS. Accordingly, the central research question is: How can the economic diplomacy goals of Iran and Egypt be compared and explained within the framework of BRICS membership?Literature Review In the article “BRICS Expansion in the Middle East from the Political Economy Perspective”, the authors explore the interests of BRICS countries in securing energy resources, exerting political influence, and accessing the region’s economic potential. El Khodary and her colleagues specifically investigate the impact of Egypt’s accession to BRICS by analyzing several key indicators: the participation rate of BRICS countries in Egypt’s economy, the exposure rate and share of BRICS foreign direct investment (FDI) in Egypt relative to total FDI, as well as Egypt’s export opportunities in BRICS markets. Their study further examines how these variables have influenced the ratio of foreign assets in Egypt during the period from 2000 to 2024. As the literature review indicates, existing studies—including the aforementioned work—differ from the present article in terms of research focus and problem formulation. This study aims to comparatively assess Iran and Egypt’s approaches to BRICS membership through the lens of economic diplomacy.Methodology The research method employed in this article is comparative-analytical, and data collection is based on library and documentary sources. Information and data have been gathered through literature review and note-taking techniques. The conceptual framework of the study draws upon the work of Mireya Solís Okano-Heijmans, particularly her insights on economic diplomacy.ResultsThe findings of this study suggest that Iran’s objectives within BRICS are more politically driven, whereas Egypt’s motivations are primarily economic. Specifically, Iran views BRICS as a platform to advance multilateralism—a political strategy aimed at counterbalancing Western structural pressures, particularly from the United States. In contrast, Egypt’s engagement is largely focused on diversifying its economic partnerships and attracting foreign investment.This divergence stems from the distinct political and economic constraints facing each country. While Iran seeks to mitigate geopolitical pressures and enhance its diplomatic flexibility through multilateralism, Egypt aims to expand its access to international markets and reduce dependency on traditional partners.Nevertheless, both countries share common objectives, most notably the pursuit of economic and political multilateralism. Furthermore, BRICS membership offers new avenues for cooperation and strategic autonomy. For both Tehran and Cairo, joining the bloc represents an opportunity to explore “new options” for advancing national development and economic growth.DiscussionIn a comparative analysis of the economic diplomacy goals of Iran and Egypt, it seems that Iran's first and second priorities for joining BRICS are mainly political, while Egypt's first to third priorities are mainly economic. However, benefiting from the capacity of the BRICS Bank is one of the goals shared by Iran and Egypt, which is the third priority for both countries. Conclusion This article aimed to comparatively examine the economic diplomacy goals of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Arab Republic of Egypt, as two of the newly admitted members of BRICS. One key finding is that the differing political and economic constraints faced by Iran and Egypt have shaped their respective motivations for joining the bloc. For Iran, membership in BRICS represents a strategic effort to reduce structural pressures, particularly those stemming from U.S. sanctions—and to promote multilateralism as a counterbalance to American unilateralism. Conversely, Egypt’s accession is primarily motivated by economic considerations, such as diversifying its international partners and expanding access to new markets. Another notable conclusion is that countries tend to be more effective in pursuing economic diplomacy when they (1) broaden the scope of their diplomatic engagements, (2) adopt innovative strategies, and (3) discontinue ineffective or outdated practices. The findings also highlight BRICS as a platform with considerable potential across economic, trade, industrial, technological, and financial sectors. Given Iran’s unique situation—particularly its continued exposure to Western sanctions—joining BRICS could offer valuable opportunities to reinvigorate its development trajectory. However, realizing these opportunities requires a comprehensive assessment of both the prospects and the challenges ahead to maximize alignment with national interests. 

BRICS is the acronym for an association of five major emerging national economies: Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Originally the first four were grouped as "BRIC" (or "the BRICS"), before the induction of South Africa in 2010. The BRICS members are all leading developing or newly industrialized countries, but they are distinguished by their large, sometimes fast-growing economies and significant influence on regional affairs; all five are G-20 members. As of 2015, the five BRICS countries represent over 3. 6 billion people, or about 41% of the world population; all five members are in the top 25 of the world by population, and four are in the top 10. The five nations have a combined nominal GDP of US$16. 6 trillion, equivalent to approximately 22% of the gross world product, combined GDP (PPP) of around US$37 trillion and an estimated US$4 trillion in combined foreign reserves Overall the BRICS are forecasted to expand 4. 6% in 2016, from an estimated growth of 3. 9% in 2015. The World Bank expects BRICS growth to pick up to 5. 3% in 2017. In this article analyze Foreign Policy Strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and BRICS politics in the international system.

today, research and development and related activities in order to access the modern technology is major industrial activity in the world. Despite the increasing importance of research and development activities in developed countries in the last thirty years, developing countries have recently realized its integral importance. Actually, technology is an output of the research and development factory. The research and development units are infrastructure of technology and the greatest source of innovation. There are Various procedure to achive technology that reverse engineering is one of the most important. (especially in developing countries) In this essay, addition to review the literature of "research and development" and the factors affecting its capabilities, experiences of leading countries in this field (BRICS) will be checked in order to design a conceptual model to assess the research and development capabilities. In the end, we present some pieces of advice to reduce the problems and increase the quality and quantity level of R& D.

The performance of the financial and banking sectors in countries is vital for achieving economic growth and development objectives. The size of the informal economy can significantly influence the effectiveness of financial markets and institutions; however, this issue has received relatively limited attention in prior research. This study investigates the impact of the shadow economy's size on the performance of financial markets and banks in BRICS countries from 2000 to 2020. Given the interconnectedness of financial markets and the banking sector, a simultaneous equation system was employed to evaluate the effects of the shadow economy on both sectors concurrently. The Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR) technique was utilized for this analysis. The results indicate that the size of the shadow economy negatively affects the performance of both financial markets and banks. Therefore, it can be concluded that the shadow economy serves as a significant determinant of financial market and institutional performance. Additional findings of the study reveal that political stability, per capita income growth, and human development positively influence the performance of financial markets and banks, while inflation and natural resource rents have a detrimental effect. Furthermore, globalization enhances financial market performance but exerts a negative influence on the banking sector. In light of these findings, strategies aimed at reducing the size of the informal economy, promoting transparency, enhancing political stability, improving human development indices, and controlling inflation could considerably strengthen the performance of financial markets and institutions.Keywords: Informal Economy, Financial Market Performance, Banking Sector Performance, SUR Panel.JEL Classification: G32، G21، O17IntroductionThe performance of a country's financial and banking systems is heavily dependent on the overall health of its economic sectors. Efficient financial intermediation requires the mobilization of sufficient and effective resources, which are essential for both the private and public sectors. In the private sector, informal and clandestine activities absorb a significant share of these resources, potentially disrupting the financial intermediation process. In the public sector, an increase in hidden activities results in diminished government tax revenues, thereby depleting available financial resources. Consequently, government-backed policies designed to support financial intermediation encounter challenges, as a portion of the economy's financial resources becomes redirected toward government financing, constraining the funds available for private sector lending. Furthermore, the financial and banking sector can only make a substantial contribution to investment financing when resources are allocated to transparent, formal activities that engage with the economic system’s taxation and statistical processes. The diversion of financial and banking resources to shadow economic activities impairs the allocation of these resources to productive and formal endeavors, potentially undermining the efficiency of financial and banking operations. This study examines the impact of the shadow economy on the performance of the financial market and banking sector, focusing particularly on emerging economies and the evolving economic and trade relationships between Iran and the BRICS nations, which serve as case studies. Materials & MethodsThis study investigates the impact of the size of the shadow economy on the performance of the financial and banking sectors in BRICS countries from 2002 to 2020. The countries included in this analysis are Brazil, Russia, India, China, Ethiopia, the United Arab Emirates, Iran, and Egypt. Given the characteristics of the data, a panel data approach is employed to estimate the models. To address both financial market development and banking sector performance simultaneously, a Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR) system within a panel data framework is utilized, representing a novel approach in this area of research. The use of panel SUR helps to mitigate the risk of obtaining misleading results due to sample heterogeneity. The models to be estimated for financial market development and banking sector performance are specified as follows: Model 1:     Model 2:   In these equations, FMI represents the financial market development index, FII denotes the performance index of financial institutions or the banking sector, and Shadow refers to the size of the shadow or hidden economy. HDI stands for the Human Development Index, GDPP indicates the growth rate of per capita gross domestic product, Inf represents the inflation rate, RR denotes natural resource rents, Kofgi is the globalization index, and Political signifies political stability. The subscript i refers to the country, while t indicates the time period. FindingsEmpirical analysis demonstrates that in BRICS countries, political stability exerts a positive influence on the composite indices of financial market and banking sector performance. Political stability creates an environment of economic certainty and predictability, thereby providing a long-term outlook for economic actors and investors. The impact on financial markets is notably stronger than its influence on banking sector performance. In resource-rich nations, however, these resources have not enhanced financial and banking efficiencies; instead, they have generated economic rents, fostered corruption, and weakened government functions. Growth in per capita income and the Human Development Index significantly and positively affects the performance of both financial markets and banking sectors. Economic growth provides a macroeconomic backdrop that stimulates demand for banks’ financial resources, as investors seek to channel these funds into profitable economic ventures. Moreover, globalization has a positive and statistically significant effect on financial market performance, while simultaneously posing a significant challenge for banks in the BRICS countries, revealing a negative and statistically significant impact on their performance. Additionally, inflation, which reflects the depreciating value of national currencies, considerably undermines the performance of both financial markets and the banking sector. Discussion and ConclusionThe findings highlight the detrimental impact of the shadow economy on the performance of financial markets and the efficiency of the banking sector. Controlling and reducing the size of informal economic sectors can enhance the functioning of financial markets and improve banks’ operational status. It is critical to monitor the allocation of financial and banking resources toward productive, formal economic activities while preventing their diversion into shadow sectors. Effective tax systems and regulations are essential for guiding financial resources toward the formal economy. The study also emphasizes the positive influence of institutional quality and political stability, advocating for policy frameworks aimed at enhancing transparency, ensuring economic predictability, stabilizing legislative environments, and prioritizing political stability to substantially improve the performance of the financial and banking sectors. Furthermore, policies that address inflation control and promote the transparent management of natural resource revenues are crucial. While globalization positively supports financial market development, it presents challenges for banking sector performance, necessitating a focus on banking conditions, structures, and regulatory frameworks within a global context as integral components of international cooperation efforts.

Energy and its related services are crucial to the well-being of society. Access to clean water and sanitation is dependent on energy supply, and so is the provision of quality education and healthcare services. Of equal importance is the manner in which energy is produced and consumed, as the livelihood of future generations depends largely on this. Recently, policymakers have found themselves in a pickle, having to strike a balance between meeting the energy demands of the current generation without compromising the environmental needs of future generations. Given this context, the crux of this study was to examine the impact of renewable and non-renewable energy sources on environmental sustainability in the BRICS region. The findings revealed that non-renewable energy sources, particularly coal and natural gas, augment higher levels of carbon dioxide emissions both in the short run and long run. In contrast, renewable energy sources such as hydro, wind and solar energy were found to lessen the burden of carbon dioxide emissions on the environment. As such, this study cautions against the heavy reliance on non-renewable energy sources, as they threaten livelihoods and biodiversity.